British statesman, born in London, UK. He entered the family business at 16, became Mayor of Birmingham (18735), and a Liberal MP (1876). He became President of the Board of Trade (1880), but resigned over Gladstone's Home Rule Bill (1886), which split the Liberal Party. From 1889 he was leader of the Liberal Unionists, and in the coalition government of 1895 took office as secretary for the Colonies. In 1903 he resigned office to be free to advocate his ideas on tariff reform, and in 1906 withdrew from public life after a stroke.
He was the father of Sir Austen Chamberlain (1863–1937) and Neville Chamberlain (1869–1940).Early life, business career and marriage
Chamberlain was born in Camberwell in London to a successful shoemaker and manufacturer also named Joseph (1796–1874). The elder Chamberlain was unable to send all his children into higher education, and at the age of 16, Joseph was apprenticed to the Cordwainers' Company and worked for the family business in the making of quality leather shoes. In partnership with Joseph Nettlefold, Chamberlain was to help the screwmaking firm, soon known as Nettlefold and Chamberlain, to become a commercial success, and by 1874 when Chamberlain retired from the firm, the company was exporting its products to the United States, Europe, India, Japan, Canada and Australia.
In 1860, Chamberlain met and fell in love with Harriet Kenrick, the daughter of a Unitarian family from Birmingham. Gripped with grief, Chamberlain devoted himself to the growing fortunes of Nettlefold and Chamberlain, whilst raising Beatrice and Austen with the Kenrick parents-in-law.
In 1868, Chamberlain married for the second time, wedding Harriet's cousin, Florence Kenrick. It was not surprising that Chamberlain became involved in Liberal politics, joining those in the Liberal Association calling for reform. On 27 August 1866, a vast demonstration for reform was held in Birmingham, in which the Mayor marched alongside 250,000 people, one of whom was Chamberlain. John Bright addressed the huge middle and working-class crowd, Chamberlain recalling that 'men poured into the hall, black as they were from the factories…the people were packed together like herrings.' The Conservative government passed a Reform Bill in 1867, nearly doubling the electorate from 1,430,000 to 2,470,000 and in the 1868 General Election, the Liberal Party took power. Chamberlain was active in the election campaign, praising Bright and George Dixon, a Birmingham M.P. Chamberlain was enthusiastic about the requirement for the provision of free, secular, compulsory education, stating that 'it is as much the duty of the State to see that the children are educated as to see that they are fed.' He also pointed to the success owed by the United States and Prussia to public education. Chamberlain was also prominent in the local campaign in support of Gladstone's Irish Church Disestablishment Bill against the House of Lords' obstructionism. Chamberlain seconded the motion in support of disestablishment at a debate held at Birmingham town hall, and he addressed the large, restless crowd attacking the hereditary powers of the House of Lords. The meeting broke up amidst fighting, but Chamberlain had become a figure of prominence among Birmingham Liberals, and he was elected to Birmingham Council for St. Paul's ward in November 1869. The absence of school boards or the provision of free, compulsory education caused consternation in the National Education League, and Chamberlain arranged for a large delegation to visit 10 Downing Street to persuade Gladstone to remove the role of the church in national education. In this first meeting between Gladstone and Chamberlain, the latter impressed the Prime Minister with his lucid speech, and Gladstone agreed during the Elementary Education Bill's second reading to make amendments that took church schools from rate-payer control and granted them support from government funds. Chamberlain campaigned against the Act, and in particular clause 25, which gave school boards the power to pay the fees of poor children at voluntary schools, which theoretically allowed them to fund church schools. In 1873 a Liberal majority was elected to the Birmingham School Board, with Chamberlain as chairman.
Chamberlain broadened his campaigning to take up the cause of rural workers, promoting their enfranchisement and cheaper land prices. In another article entitled 'The Liberal Party and its Leaders', Chamberlain made a blistering attack on Gladstone's leadership and advocated a concerted Radical challenge to the direction of the party. By 1873, Chamberlain had made his reputation, especially in Birmingham, as a charismatic Radical politician, and sought to further his cause in the municipal arena.
Mayor of Birmingham
In November 1873 Chamberlain stood as a Liberal candidate for the mayoralty of Birmingham, with the Conservatives denouncing his political Radicalism and disparaging him as a 'monopoliser and a dictator.' The Liberal Party swept the municipal elections having campaigned under the slogan 'The People above the Priests', a clear swipe at the High Toryism of Chamberlain’s opponents. Deploring the rising death rate from contagious diseases in the poorest sections of the city, in January 1876, Chamberlain forcibly purchased Birmingham's waterworks for a combined sum of £1,350,000, having declared to a House of Commons Committee that 'We have not the slightest intention of making profit...We shall get our profit indirectly in the comfort of the town and in the health of the inhabitants'.
With the city's gas and water supply under municipal control, Chamberlain undertook other schemes with the intention of improving the quality of life in Birmingham. Chamberlain proposed to build a new road (Corporation Street) through Birmingham's overcrowded slums, and bought 50 acres (200,000 m²) of property for such a purpose. Overriding the protests of local landlords and the Commissioner of the Local Government Board's inquiry into the scheme, Chamberlain appealed directly to the President of the Local Government Board, George Sclater-Booth. Having gained the support of central government and raised the funds for the programme, Chamberlain was able to implement the scheme, contributing £10,000 to the cost himself.
Chamberlain's tenure in office was also notable for his promotion of cultural improvement.
The mayoralty helped give Chamberlain stature as a figure of both local and national renown, with contemporaries commenting upon his youthfulness and prominent dress, in which he sported 'a black velvet coat, jaunty eyeglass in eye, red neck-tie drawn through a ring'. His contribution to the city's improvement secured political allegiance of the so-called 'Birmingham caucus' for Chamberlain in return, a loyalty that would remain even with the shifts in his public career.
National politics
Member of Parliament and the National Liberal Federation
In the 1874 General Election, Chamberlain made his first attempt to enter the House of Commons. The Sheffield Reform Association, an offshoot of the Liberal Party in the city, invited Chamberlain to stand for election shortly into his tenure as Mayor of Birmingham. During his term as Mayor of Birmingham, Chamberlain continued to entertain the prospect of standing for Parliament, although he eventually rejected the possibility of standing in Sheffield. Predictably, Chamberlain maintained his focus on Birmingham and when George Dixon decided to retire from his seat in May 1876, an opportunity was presented for Chamberlain to enter the House of Commons. On 17 June 1876, Chamberlain was returned unopposed for Birmingham, after a period of anxiety following his nomination in which he delivered a blistering attack on the Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli, accusing him of being 'a man who never told the truth except by accident.' Chamberlain subsequently apologised publicly.
When elected, Chamberlain resigned the mayorship of Birmingham, and was introduced to the House of Commons by John Bright and Joseph Cowen, an M.P. Almost immediately, Chamberlain began to organise the Radical component in the House of Commons in an attempt to prompt the Liberal leadership, with the intention of displacing Whig dominance and providing a Radical opposition to the Conservatives. On 4 August 1876, Chamberlain delivered his maiden speech in the House of Commons during a debate on elementary schools. Speaking for twenty minutes, Chamberlain utilised his experience on the Birmingham School Board to make an impressive speech. Hereafter, Chamberlain spoke on many subjects, but concentrated on the subject of free public education and female teachers.
Early difficulties in creating a coherent group committed to Radicalism within the Liberal Party convinced Chamberlain of the need to establish a more effective organisation for the party as a whole, especially in the localities. The controversy surrounding Disraeli's policy during the Russo-Turkish War proved to be a catalyst for activity, for Chamberlain viewed the agitation surrounding the Bulgarian atrocities as a means of utilising public indignation for a Radical agenda. Chamberlain estimated that Radicalism could profit from Gladstone's increasing popularity, and he subsequently sought to close ranks with the returned Liberal leader. The body was undeniably a creation of Chamberlain's brand of Birmingham Radicalism, reflected in the dominance of Birmingham's politicians in the Federation's administration – Chamberlain himself served as President. For Chamberlain, the Federation gave him much enhanced influence within the Liberal Party as well as a nationwide platform to promote Radicalism.
Chamberlain was largely critical of Disraeli's handling of foreign affairs, arguing that the Conservative government's forward policy diverted attention from the requirements of domestic reform. Unlike many Liberals, Chamberlain's attitude was not fuelled by anti-imperialism, for although he berated the government for its Eastern policy, the 1878 invasion of Afghanistan and the 1879 Zulu War, he had previously supported Disraeli's purchase of Suez Canal Company shares in November 1875. At this stage of his career, Chamberlain was eager to see the protection of British overseas interests, but placed greater emphasis on a conception of justice in the pursuit of such interests. In the 1880 general election, Chamberlain joined the Liberal denunciations of the Conservative Party’s foreign policy, and the National Liberal Federation played an important part in seeing the Liberal Party take power. With Gladstone having returned as Prime Minister with notable assistance from the National Liberal Federation, Chamberlain was hopeful of being rewarded with a cabinet position.
President of the Board of Trade
Despite the fact that Chamberlain had only sat in Parliament for four years, his claims to a position in the cabinet were strong – he spoke nationally for Radicals and Nonconformists, and had a credible power base in the form of the National Liberal Federation. Although Gladstone did not regard the Federation highly, he recognised the part it had played in taking the Liberal Party to power, and appreciated the wisdom of not antagonising Chamberlain, who told Sir William Harcourt that he was prepared to lead a revolt and field Radical candidates in borough elections. Eager to reconcile Radicals to the Whig-heavy cabinet and having taken the counsel of Bright, Gladstone invited Chamberlain on 27 April 1880 to fulfil the post of President of the Board of Trade.
Chamberlain's scope for manoeuvre was restricted between 1880 and 1883 by the Cabinet’s occupancy with difficulties concerning Ireland, Transvaal and Egypt. More importantly, Chamberlain sought to end the practice of ship owners overinsuring their vessels – 'coffin ships' – whilst under manning them, thereby ensuring a healthy profit irrespective of whether the ship arrived safely or sank. Despite having the support of Tory Democrats Lord Randolph Churchill and John Eldon Gorst, the Liberal government was unwilling to grant Chamberlain its full support and the Bill was withdrawn in July 1884.
In Cabinet, Ireland was of special interest to Chamberlain. Chamberlain supported proposals that a Land Bill would be effective in countering agitation in Ireland and Fenian outrages in the British Isles. Furthermore, he felt that a land settlement would quieten demands for Irish Home Rule, something that Chamberlain opposed with vigour, reasoning that Ireland's separation from the United Kingdom would lead to the eventual break up of the Empire. Keen that there should be no more concessions, Chamberlain supported their imprisonment, and used their incarceration to bargain with them in 1882 in an attempt to reconcile them to the government. With the prominence of Ireland in British politics, it is not inconceivable that Gladstone was reluctant to appoint Chamberlain to a position that would have markedly enhanced his prestige and political cause. Nevertheless, Chamberlain maintained an interest in Irish affairs, and proposed to the Cabinet an Irish Central Board that would have legislative powers in land, education and communications.
Chamberlain's inability to introduce more creative legislation at the Board of Trade was the cause of frustration for someone who had proven to be so effective in municipal politics. However, Chamberlain viewed the Board of Trade as little more than a stepping stone for the attainment for higher things, seeing the post as a platform for the promotion of Radicalism. Early into the Gladstone ministry, Chamberlain suggested without success that the franchise should be extended, with the Prime Minister arguing that the matter should be deferred until the end of the Parliament's lifespan. Chamberlain sought to capture the newly enfranchised voters, and threw himself into a campaign of Radicalism. Chamberlain earned a reputation for provocative speeches during the period, especially during debate surrounding the 1884 County Franchise Bill, which was opposed by the Whig Liberals, Lord Hartington (later the 8th Duke of Devonshire) and George Goschen as well as Lord Salisbury, who argued that the Bill gave the Liberals an unfair electoral advantage. At Denbigh on 20 October 1884, Chamberlain famously declared in a speech that Salisbury was "himself the spokesman of a class – a class to which he himself belongs, who toil not neither do they spin." In response, Salisbury branded Chamberlain a 'Sicilian bandit' whilst Lord Iddesleigh called him 'Jack Cade'. When Chamberlain suggested that he would march on London with thousands of Birmingham constituents to protest at the House of Lords' powers, Salisbury remarked that "Mr. Chamberlain will return from his adventure with a broken head if nothing worse." This verbal altercation was characteristic of the antagonism between Chamberlain and his Radical followers on the one hand, and the landed Conservatives and Whigs on the other. In July 1885, the Radical Programme, the first campaign handbook in British political history was published, with the preface written by Chamberlain himself. The proposals in the Radical Programme earned the scorn of Whig Liberals and Conservatives alike, and it was on the former that Chamberlain had set his sights, writing to Morley that with Radical solidarity 'we will utterly destroy the Whigs, and have a Radical government before many years are out.' Seeking a contest with the Whigs, Chamberlain and Dilke presented their resignations to Gladstone on 20 May 1885, when the Cabinet rejected Chamberlain’s scheme for the creation of National Councils in England, Scotland and Wales and when a proposed Land Purchase Bill had no provision for the reform of Irish local government. The resignations were not made public, and the opportunity for Chamberlain to take his Radicalism to the country was only presented when the Irish Parliamentary Party supported a Conservative amendment to the budget on 9 June, which passed by 12 votes. At Hull on 5 August, Chamberlain began his election campaign by addressing an enthusiastic crowd in front of large posters declaring Chamberlain to be 'Your coming Prime Minister'. Until the campaign's closure in October, Chamberlain launched vociferous attacks on those in opposition to the proposals of the Radical Programme. In particular, the young Ramsay MacDonald and David Lloyd George were enthralled by Chamberlain's espousal of Radical policies, and leading Liberals noted with some discomfort the threat posed by what Goschen called the 'Unauthorised Programme'. In October, Chamberlain and Gladstone sought to close ranks and eliminate a number of differences between their respective electoral programmes in a meeting at Hawarden. The meeting, although good natured, was largely unproductive, and Gladstone neglected to tell Chamberlain of his negotiations with Parnell over proposals to grant Home Rule to Ireland. Chamberlain discovered the existence of such negotiations from Henry Labouchere, but unsure of the precise nature of Gladstone's offer to Parnell, did not press the issue, although he had already stated his opposition to Home Rule, arguing that Ireland had no more right to autonomy than London, declaring that "I cannot admit that five millions of Irishmen have any greater right to govern themselves without regard to the rest of the United Kingdom than the five million inhabitants of the metropolis." At first, Chamberlain was reluctant to act in accordance with the anti-Home Rule Whigs and Conservatives, for fear of losing his Radical followers, and preferred to await the development of events. Whilst maintaining a low profile publicly, Chamberlain privately damned Gladstone and the concept of Home Rule to colleagues, believing that maintaining the Conservatives in power for a further year would make the Irish question easier to settle. Gladstone rejected Chamberlain's preference for the Colonial Office and eventually appointed him President of the Local Government Board, a suitable post considering Chamberlain's connections with municipal government. A row over the amount to be paid to Collings, Chamberlain's Parliamentary Secretary embittered relations between Gladstone and Chamberlain, although the latter was still hopeful that his membership of the Cabinet could result in Gladstone's Home Rule proposal being altered or abandoned, so that his programme of Radicalism could be given more attention. Chamberlain's renewed scheme for National Councils was not discussed in Cabinet, and only on 13 March were Gladstone's proposals for Ireland revealed. A Land Purchase Bill would accompany a Home Rule Bill, and Chamberlain argued that the details of the latter should be made known in order for a fair judgment to be made on the former. When Gladstone stated his intention to give Ireland a separate Parliament with full powers to deal with Irish affairs, Chamberlain resolved to resign, writing to inform Gladstone of his decision two days later. In the meantime, Chamberlain consulted with Arthur Balfour, Salisbury's nephew, over the possibility of concerted action with the Conservatives, and contemplated similar cooperation with the Whigs.
Despite Chamberlain's liking for political combat, the prospects that he faced in the aftermath of his resignation were far from promising. On 9 April, Chamberlain spoke against the Irish Home Rule Bill in its first reading before attending a meeting of Liberal Unionists, summoned by Hartington, hitherto the subject of Chamberlain's anti-Whig declarations on 14th May. From this meeting sprang the Liberal Unionist Association, originally an ad hoc alliance to demonstrate the unity of anti-Home Rulers. Meanwhile, to distinguish himself from the Whigs, Chamberlain founded the National Radical Union to rival the National Liberal Federation, which had since slipped from his grasp. During its second reading on 8 June, the Home Rule Bill was defeated by 30 votes, with 93 Liberals, including Chamberlain and Hartington, voting against the government. Chamberlain's predicament was more awkward than Hartington's, for the former was intensely mistrusted by, and unable to influence the Conservatives, whilst he bore the brunt of Gladstonian ire for voting against Home Rule. Of the other it is better not to speak.' With the general election dominated by Home Rule, Chamberlain's campaign was characterised by a combine of Radicalism and intense patriotism.
Unlike Hartington and the Whigs, Chamberlain did not enter the Unionist government, aware that the hostility to him in the Conservative ranks meant that an agreement with them could extend merely to Ireland. Not wishing to alienate his Radical support base, Chamberlain refrained from reaching a broader settlement. The Liberal mainstream cast Chamberlain as a villain, shouting "Judas!" Unable to attach himself decisively to either party, Chamberlain sought concerted action with a kindred spirit from the Conservative Party, Lord Randolph Churchill. In November 1886, Churchill announced his own 'Unauthorised Programme' at Dartford, the content of which had much in common with Chamberlain's own recent manifesto, including smallholdings for rural labourers and greater local government. Next month, Churchill resigned as Chancellor of the Exchequer over military spending, and when the Conservative mainstream rallied around Salisbury, Churchill's career was effectively put to an end, along with Chamberlain's hope of creating a powerful cross-party union of Radicals. The elevation of Goschen to the Treasury symbolised the increasingly close relationship between non-Radical Liberal Unionists and the Conservatives, thereby isolating Chamberlain further.
After January 1887, a series of Round Table Conferences took place between Chamberlain, Trevelyan, Harcourt, Morley and Lord Herschell, in which the participants sought to reach an agreement over the Liberal Party’s Irish policy. Chamberlain hoped that an accord would enable him to place a claim to the future leadership of the party and recognised the potential of leverage over the Conservatives that could result from the negotiations merely taking place. In August 1887, Lord Salisbury invited Chamberlain to lead the British delegation in a Joint Commission to resolve a fisheries dispute between the United States and Newfoundland. Having grown increasingly disillusioned with politics, the trip to the United States renewed Chamberlain's enthusiasm, and enhanced his standing vis-à-vis Gladstone. In November, Chamberlain met 23 year old Mary Endicott, the daughter of President Grover Cleveland's Secretary of State for War, William C. Before he left the United States in March 1888, Chamberlain proposed to Mary, describing her as 'one of the brightest and most intelligent girls I have yet met'.
Meanwhile, the Salisbury ministry was in the process of implementing a number of reforms that satisfied Chamberlain that Radicalism was making progress, surprisingly under a Conservative banner. By 1891, measures for the provision of smallholdings had been made, and to Chamberlain's delight, the extension of free, compulsory education to the entire country. Chamberlain wrote that 'I have in the last five years seen more progress made with the practical application of my political programme than in all my previous life. I owe this result entirely to my former opponents, and all the opposition has come from my former friends.' Chamberlain also endeavoured to secure his Birmingham power base, for the Liberal Association in the city could no longer be relied upon to provide loyal support. Chamberlain's reformation of Birmingham's political structure was wholly successful, and in the 1892 general election, the Liberal Unionists swept the city, even making inroads into neighbouring towns in the Black Country. By now, Chamberlain's son, Austen had also entered the House of Commons having been returned unopposed for East Worcestershire in March 1892. With Gladstone returned to power and singularly unwilling to see Chamberlain back with the Liberal Party and the Liberal Unionists reduced to 47 seats nationwide, a closer relationship with the Conservatives was increasingly necessary. A step was made in this direction when Hartington took his seat in the House of Lords as the Duke of Devonshire, allowing Chamberlain to assume the leadership of the Liberal Unionists in the House of Commons, leading to a productive relationship with Balfour, leader of the Conservatives in the lower house.
Obliged to compromise with the Irish Nationalists, Gladstone introduced the Second Home Rule Bill in February 1893, legislation that Chamberlain opposed with predictable vigour. During the committee stage when he chastised the Gladstonian Liberals, a fist fight broke out in which Chamberlain remained unmoved. Whilst Rosebery put Home Rule on ice, Chamberlain continued to build bridges with the Conservatives, and spoke warily about socialism and the Independent Labour Party, which had one member in the House of Commons, Keir Hardie. In his 'Memorandum of a Programme for Social Reform' sent to Salisbury in 1894, Chamberlain made a number of suggestions, including old age pensions, the provision of loans to the working class for the purchase of houses, an amendment to the Artisans' Dwellings Act to encourage street improvements, compensation for industrial accidents, cheaper train fares for workers, tighter border controls and shorter working hours. Salisbury was generally sympathetic to the proposals, although somewhat guarded, yet his constructive response demonstrated how far Chamberlain and the Conservative leadership had come in settling the monumental differences that had separated them in the 1880s. Salisbury was invited to form a government, and prepared to include Chamberlain in his Cabinet. Salisbury offered four Cabinet posts to Liberal Unionists, two of whom were Chamberlain and Devonshire. The latter became Lord President of the Council, whilst to Chamberlain, Salisbury and Balfour offered any Cabinet position with the exception of the Foreign Office or Leadership of the House of Commons. To the surprise of Salisbury and Balfour, Chamberlain declined a post at the Treasury, unwilling to be constrained by conservative spending plans, and also refused the Home Office. Instead, Chamberlain asked to be given the Colonial Office, a department that traditionally held little attraction to politicians.
Amidst European competition for territory and popular sentiment surrounding imperialism, Chamberlain saw the potential of using the Colonial Office as a platform for global prominence. Furthermore, the Colonial Office would provide Chamberlain with the chance of pursuing the ambition of fostering closer relations between Britain and the settler colonies, aiming for the remoulding of the empire on federal lines into a family of Anglo-Saxon nations. Chamberlain had always been a keen imperialist and an advocate of a stronger empire – in 1887 whilst in Toronto, he declared that "I should think our patriotism was warped and stunted indeed if it did not embrace the Greater Britain beyond the seas". Much had been proposed with regards to an imperial federation, a more coherent system of imperial defence and preferential tariffs, yet by 1895 when Chamberlain arrived at the Colonial Office, little had been achieved. Chamberlain felt that there was "work to be done" as Colonial Secretary, and could be assured of support from Conservative backbenchers, traditionally keen proponents of Empire.
Chamberlain took formal charge at the Colonial Office on 1 July 1895, shortly before his fifty-ninth birthday. With victory assured in the 1895 general election, Chamberlain began his work in earnest. Having transformed the building from a dingy backwater to a worthy hub of the colonial empire, Chamberlain left for the Pyrenees to holiday for seven weeks, before returning in October. With the empire at its zenith, Chamberlain's responsibilities at the department were vast, governing over ten million square miles of territory and 50 million people of exceptional diversity. Believing that positive government action could bind the empire's peoples closer to the crown, Chamberlain stated confidently that "I believe that the British race is the greatest of the governing races that the world has ever seen…It is not enough to occupy great spaces of the world's surface unless you can make the best of them. Accordingly, Chamberlain advocated investment in the tropics of Africa, the West Indies and other underdeveloped possessions, a policy which earned him the nickname 'Joseph Africanus' among the press.
While in office, Chamberlain had interactions with Gandhi at the beginning of his political career. Chamberlain informed Salisbury on Boxing Day that an uprising was expected, and was aware that an invasion would be launched, but was not sure when. According to Hawksley, these demonstrated that the Colonial Office 'influenced the actions of those in South Africa' who embarked on the Raid, and even that Chamberlain had transferred control of the Pitsani Strip to facilitate an invasion.
In June 1896, Chamberlain offered his resignation to Salisbury, having shown the Prime Minister one or more of the cablegrams implicating him in the Raid's planning. Salisbury reacted aggressively in support of Chamberlain, supporting the Colonial Secretary's threat to withdraw the Company's charter if the cablegrams were revealed. Accordingly, Rhodes refused to reveal the cablegrams, and as no evidence was produced showing that Chamberlain was complicit in the Raid's planning, the Select Committee appointed to investigate the events surrounding the Raid had no choice but to absolve Chamberlain of all responsibility. Chamberlain favoured a more belligerent stance, but Salisbury chose to tread tentatively, and even the Prime Minister's cautious reply to the American demand provoked President Cleveland to imply in December 1895 that war may be the result of British non-compliance. For Chamberlain, the United States' bellicosity was an embarrassment considering his marriage to an American and his professed admiration of the United States' system of government. Despite privately calling Cleveland a 'coarse-grained man' and a 'bully', Chamberlain gradually favoured the pragmatic approach undertaken by Salisbury.
West Africa
Chamberlain believed that West Africa had huge economic potential, and shared Salisbury's suspicions of the French, who were manifestly Britain's principal rival in the region. Whilst Salisbury wished to subordinate the needs of West Africa to the requirement of establishing British supremacy on the Nile, Chamberlain believed that every territory was worth competing for. Chamberlain therefore argued that Britain should 'even at the cost of war – to keep an adequate Hinterland for the Gold Coast, Lagos & the Niger Territories.' Under pressure from Chamberlain, Salisbury sanctioned Sir Edward Monson, leading the British delegation in Paris, to be more assertive in negotiations. The subsequent concessions made by the French encouraged Chamberlain, who arranged for a military force, led by Frederick Lugard, to occupy areas claimed by Britain, thereby undermining French claims in the region. Nevertheless, Chamberlain correctly assumed that French officers in the region were under orders to act without fighting the British, and in March 1898, the French proposed to settle the issue – Bussa was returned to Britain, and the French were limited to the town of Bona. Chamberlain had successfully imposed British control over the Niger and the inland territories of Sokoto, later fusing them together as Nigeria. In the event of China's partition, the country's value as a market for British goods would decrease – both Salisbury and Chamberlain therefore recognised the value of maintaining China's integrity. Whilst Salisbury sought a local agreement with Russia to reduce her concern for France in the Mediterranean, Chamberlain sought an understanding with another power, using the dramatic term 'alliance'. Viewing the issue in economic terms, Chamberlain saw the seizures by Germany and Russia not as part of military strategy, but as an attempt to encroach on Britain's Chinese market. Arguing that British naval power could not stop Russia, Chamberlain favoured a coordinated policy with the United States and Japan, in which the three powers would demand that any concessions extracted from China by Russia should be shared among the other powers. The Cabinet agreed to the occupation of Weihaiwei as compensation, yet Chamberlain saw this as an empty gesture and regarding the fate of the Chinese Empire to be at stake, sought to strengthen Britain's position when Salisbury was weakened by illness in February 1898.
Anglo-German Alliance negotiations: first attempt
On 29 March 1898, a meeting was arranged between Chamberlain and the German Ambassador in London, Count Paul von Hatzfeldt by Hermann von Eckardstein, who had described the Colonial Secretary as 'unquestionably the most energetic and enterprising personality of the Salisbury ministry.' The conversation between the two was strictly unofficial, nominally about colonial matters and the subject of China. Chamberlain surprised von Hatzfeldt by assuring him that Britain and Germany had common interests, that the rupture over the Jameson Raid and the Kruger Telegram was an abnormality and that a defensive alliance should be formulated between the two countries, with specific regards to China. Unwilling to reach and agreement with Britain, von Hatzfeldt was instructed to make an agreement appear likely without ever conceding ground to Chamberlain. No commitments were made, and on 25 April Hatzfeldt asked for colonial concessions from Chamberlain as a precursor to warmer relationships. Whilst Salisbury was unsurprised by the German attitude, Chamberlain was disappointed, and spoke publicly of Britain's diplomatic predicament at Birmingham on 13 May, saying that "We have had no allies. When the Transvaal formally rejected the notion of British suzerainty as enshrined in the peace treaty of 1881, Chamberlain and Balfour prompted Salisbury to initiate discussions with Portugal regarding Delagoa Bay. In the event of war with Transvaal, Chamberlain and Salisbury wanted Portugal to halt arms shipments to the port bound for the Boer republics. Meanwhile, Chamberlain, smarting from the dismissal of his alliance proposal with Germany, turned down the suggestion that Britain withdraw from Samoa in return for compensation elsewhere, remarking dismissively to Eckardstein "Last year we offered you everything. Official and public German opinion was incensed by Britain's bullishness, and Chamberlain worked hard to improve Anglo-German relations by facilitating a visit to Britain by Kaiser Wilhelm II. Salisbury's decision to attend to his ill wife allowed Chamberlain to assume control of British policy in July 1899.
On 21 November 1899, at a banquet held in St. George's Hall, Windsor Castle, Chamberlain reiterated his desire for an understanding between Britain and Germany to Wilhelm II. Because of the death of Salisbury's wife, Chamberlain was given the responsibility of visiting von Bülow at Windsor Castle instead of the Prime Minister. Chamberlain argued that Britain, Germany and the United States should combine to check France and Russia, yet von Bülow regarded the assistance of Britain to be of little use in the event of war with Russia. Von Bülow gave Chamberlain some consolation by suggesting that the Colonial Secretary should speak positively of Germany in public. Chamberlain implied from von Bülow's statement that the German Secretary for Foreign Affairs would do the same in the Reichstag. The day after the departure of the Kaiser and von Bülow, on 30 November, Chamberlain grandiloquently spoke at Leicester of "a new Triple Alliance between the Teutonic race and the two great trans-Atlantic branches of the Anglo-Saxon race which would become a potent influence on the future of the world." Whilst the Kaiser was complimentary, Friedrich von Holstein described Chamberlain's speech as a 'blunder' and the Times attacked Chamberlain for using the term 'alliance' without inhibition. Chamberlain was startled and von Hatzfeldt assured him that von Bülow's motivation was to fend off opponents in the Reichstag. Chamberlain's second attempt to formulate an Anglo-German agreement had been publicly rebuked, and although he was irritated by von Bülow's behaviour, he still harboured hope that an understanding could be reached.
South Africa
The growing wealth of the Transvaal was the cause of concern to the British government, and in particular, to Chamberlain. Chamberlain sought to use the disenfranchised Uitlanders in the Transvaal and Orange Free State as a means by which to bring British domination over the Boer republics. In April 1897, Chamberlain asked the Cabinet to increase the British garrison in South Africa by three to four thousand men – consequently, the quantity of British forces in the area grew over the next two years. Within a year, Milner concluded that war with the Transvaal was inevitable, and he worked with Chamberlain to publicise the cause of the Uitlanders to the British people. By now, British public opinion was fully supportive of a war in support of the Uitlanders, allowing Chamberlain to successfully press for further troop reinforcements. In private, Chamberlain was critical of the British Army's military performance and was often vexed by the attitude of the War Office. When the Boers bombarded Ladysmith with Creusot ninety-four pounder siege guns, Chamberlain pushed for the dispatch of comparable artillery to the theatre of war, but was exasperated by the Secretary of State for War, Lord Lansdowne's argument that such weapons required platforms that needed a year of preparation, even though the Boers operated their 'Long Tom' without elaborate mountings. Chamberlain was also prominent in stiffening the country's resolve amidst the British Army's early defeats by making a number of speeches to reassure the public. Showing further sensitivity to the colonies, Chamberlain steered the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act through the House of Commons, hoping that the newly established federation would adopt a positive attitude towards imperial trade and fighting the war. Wishing to reconcile the British and Afrikaner populations of the Cape, Chamberlain was resistant to Milner's desire to suspend the constitution of the colony, a move that would have given Milner autocratic powers. Chamberlain was the government's foremost figure in the defence of the war's conduct, facing a barrage of abuse from prominent anti-war personalities, including David Lloyd George, a former admirer of the Colonial Secretary. When in January 1900 the government faced a vote of censure in the House of Commons over the handling of the war, Chamberlain conducted the defence. On 5 February, Chamberlain spoke effectively in the Commons for over an hour whilst referring to very few notes.
Zenith
The Khaki Election
With Salisbury ill, Chamberlain dominated the Unionist election campaign. Fostering a cult of personality, Chamberlain began to refer to himself in the third person as 'the Colonial Secretary', and he ensured that the Boer War featured as the campaign's single issue, arguing that a Liberal victory would lead to defeat in the war in South Africa. Some Liberals also resorted to sharp campaigning practices, with Lloyd George in particular accusing the Chamberlain family of profiteering. Many Liberals rejected Lloyd George's claims, and Chamberlain dismissed them as unworthy of reply, although the charges troubled him more than he was prepared to make evident in public.
Twenty-six year old Winston Churchill, famous for his escape from a Boer Prisoner of War camp and his journalism for the Morning Post, successfully stood as a Conservative candidate in Oldham, where Chamberlain spoke on his behalf. The blood mantled in his cheek, and his eye as it caught mine twinkled with pure enjoyment. '
Churchill also commented on Chamberlain's status in British politics at the time of the election campaign, writing that 'Mr. Chamberlain was incomparably the most live, sparkling, insurgent, compulsive figure in British affairs…'Joe' was the one who made the weather. He was the man the masses knew.' Chamberlain used his popularity and the cause of imperialism in the election to devastating effect, and with the Liberals split over the issue of the war, the Unionists won a huge majority in the House of Commons of 219. The mandate was not as comprehensive as Chamberlain had hoped, but satisfactory enough to allow him to pursue his vision for the empire and to strengthen his position in the Unionist alliance. Lansdowne was appointed Foreign Secretary, and with the further eclipse of Salisbury, Chamberlain's importance within the Unionist government grew further still. Whilst Lansdowne grew accustomed to his new posting, Chamberlain took the opportunity to take the lead in British foreign affairs and attempt, yet again, to formulate an agreement with Germany. At Chatsworth House on 16 January 1901, Chamberlain and Devonshire made it known to Eckardstein that they still aimed to take Britain into the Triple Alliance. Meanwhile, Victoria's physical condition worsened, Chamberlain being the last Cabinet minister to see Victoria on 10 January, informing her of the latest events in South Africa. On 22 January, Victoria died, with Chamberlain later remarking in the House of Commons that "she was the greatest of Englishwomen – I almost said of Englishmen – for she added the highest of manly qualities to the personal delicacy of a woman." Wilhelm II was inclined to accept Chamberlain's proposal and sent a telegram to Berlin urging a positive response, yet von Bülow wished to delay negotiations until Britain was more vulnerable, pointing in particular to the ongoing war in South Africa. Urged by Count Paul Wolff-Metternich, the senior diplomat serving in his entourage, the Kaiser neglected to see Chamberlain during his fortnight in England, but did speak about the prospect of a future Anglo-German alliance at Marlborough House on the eve of his departure.
On 18 March, Eckardstein called on Chamberlain to resume alliance negotiations, and although the Colonial Secretary reaffirmed his support, he was unwilling to commit himself, having remembered von Bülow's disdainful rebuke in 1899. Consequently, Chamberlain took a smaller role in the ensuing exchanges, and it was to Lansdowne that Eckardstein gave a proposal by von Bülow. If the Prime Minister's intervention had not signalled the death knell of the alliance conversations, then a public announcement by Chamberlain certainly did. On 25 October 1901, Chamberlain defended the British Army's tactics in South Africa against criticism by the European press, arguing that the conduct of British soldiers was much more respectable than the behaviour of troops in the Franco-Prussian War, a statement directed at Germany. With this public dispute, Chamberlain's hopes of an Anglo-German alliance, diminished before Eckardstein's most recent offer in March, were finally dashed. Facing denunciation from von Bülow and a torrent of abuse from German newspapers, Chamberlain's credit soared, with the Times commenting that 'Mr. Chamberlain…is at this moment the most popular and trusted man in England.'
Chamberlain had undertaken negotiations with the French Ambassador, Paul Cambon, since March 1901, with the aim of settling colonial differences, although both Lansdowne and Cambon had not moved as quickly as Chamberlain would have liked. With Chamberlain still seeking to end Britain's diplomatic isolation and the negotiations with Germany having been terminated, a settlement with France was increasingly attractive. Chamberlain was caught between the forceful demands of two groups, with Unionists demanding for a more effective military policy and many Liberals denouncing the war. Publicly, Chamberlain insisted upon the separation of civil and military authority, insisting that the conduct of the war be left to the generals. The revelation of concentration camps increased pressure on Chamberlain and the government to intervene more effectively – and humanely – in the running of the war. Despite the concerns of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Michael Hicks Beach, at the spiralling costs of the war, Chamberlain maintained his insistence that the Boers be made to surrender unconditionally, and was supported by Salisbury. In April 1902, Chamberlain insisted upon the loss of independence of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State to Boer negotiators, a term that was accepted. Chamberlain overrode Milner's objections to accept the proposal, arguing that the financial costs of continuing the war justified the expenditure to relieve the debts of the Boer republics. The conflict had not been as decisive at Chamberlain had hoped, for the British had put nearly 450,000 troops into the field and had spent nearly two million pounds. Nevertheless, the end of war and the inclusion of Boer territory as part of the British Empire presented what Chamberlain viewed as an opportunity to remodel Britain's imperial system. The Prime Minister was keen that Balfour, his nephew should succeed him, but realised that Chamberlain's followers felt that the Colonial Secretary had a legitimate claim to the premiership. Chamberlain was the most popular figure in the government, and Leo Maxse, editing the National Review, argued forcefully that Chamberlain should be appointed Prime Minister when Salisbury retired. Chamberlain himself was less concerned, assuring Balfour's Private Secretary in February 1902 that 'I have my own work to do and…I shall be quite willing to serve under Balfour.' On 3 July, Salisbury's Private Secretary, Schomberg McDonnell, wrote to Lord Curzon informing him that Salisbury was about to retire. A few days later, 7 July 1902, Chamberlain was travelling in a cab from the Colonial Office to the Athenaeum Club when at Trafalgar Square, the horse drawing the cab slipped, pulling the carriage forward violently. Returning to his house, Chamberlain was told by doctors to cease work immediately and remain in bed for two weeks. Before accepting, Balfour visited Chamberlain's home at Prince's Gardens to consult the Colonial Secretary, who was informed of Salisbury's resignation. Chamberlain was satisfied to acquiesce in the King's choice, for although he had harboured ambitions to occupy Downing Street, he was content with the prominence presented by his post at the Colonial Office, in which he was regarded informally as the 'First Minister of the Empire'. Furthermore, despite Chamberlain's organisational skills and his immense popularity, many Conservatives still mistrusted him for his Radicalism, and Chamberlain was aware of the difficulties that would be presented by being part of a Liberal Unionist minority leading a Conservative majority. Chamberlain and the new Prime Minister, Balfour, possessed dramatically different characters, encapsulated by Chamberlain's remark "Arthur hates difficulties. Balfour and Chamberlain were both aware that the Unionist government's survival depended on their cooperation.
1902 Education Act
Chamberlain's support base was threatened by the introduction before Parliament of the Education Bill by Balfour. Chamberlain was anxious about the Bill's proposals, aware that they would estrange Nonconformists, Radicals and many Liberal Unionists from the government. However, Chamberlain was in no position to oppose the Bill, owing his position at the head of the empire's governance to the support provided by the Conservatives. Chamberlain warned Robert Morant about the probability of Nonconformist dissent, asking why voluntary schools could not receive funds from the state rather than the rates. Chamberlain sought to stem the feared exodus by securing a major concession – local authorities would be given the discretion over the issue of rate aid to voluntary schools, yet even this was renounced before the guillotining of the Bill and its passage through Parliament in December 1902. Thus, Chamberlain had to make the best of a hopeless situation, writing fatalistically that 'I consider the Unionist cause is hopeless at the next election, and we shall certainly lose the majority of the Liberal Unionists once and for all.' Chamberlain already regarded tariff reform as an issue that could revitalise support for Unionism.
Tour of South Africa
Chamberlain's visit to South Africa lasted between 26 December 1902 and 25 February 1903. In Natal, Chamberlain was given a rapturous welcome, whilst in the Transvaal, he met Boer leaders who were attempting unsuccessfully to alter the peace terms reached at Vereeniging. The reception given to Chamberlain in the Orange River Colony was surprisingly warm, although he was engaged in a two hour argument with General Hertzog, who accused the British government of breaking three terms of the Treaty of Vereeniging. During his visit, Chamberlain became convinced that the Boer territories required a period of government under the British crown before being granted self-governance within the empire. In the Cape, Chamberlain found that the Afrikaner Bond was more affable regarding his visit than many members of the English speaking Progressive Party, now under the leadership of Jameson, who called Chamberlain 'the callous devil from Birmingham.' Chamberlain successfully persuaded the Prime Minister, John Gordon Sprigg, to hold elections as soon as possible, a positive step considering the hostile nature of the Cape Parliament since 1899. During the tour, Chamberlain and his wife had visited twenty-nine towns, with the Colonial Secretary delivering sixty-four speeches and receiving eighty-four deputations. Chamberlain's visit had contributed somewhat to the reconciliation of the British and the Boers, and had demonstrated the importance Chamberlain placed on South Africa to the British Empire.
Tariff reform: Unionist split
Chamberlain made no secret of his desire to see an imperial federation formed on the model of Bismarckian Germany to allow Britain to maintain its global role amidst the growing economic challenge of the United States and Germany. Essential for Chamberlain's objective was to have a system of preferential trade with the empire, necessitating tariffs on foreign imports coming into the empire. Tariff reform also had domestic objectives, for Chamberlain felt that finances could be generated from tariffs for a scheme of old-age pensions and other social improvements. Such a programme would help Chamberlain secure the Unionist's hold on the West Midlands, and enhance Chamberlain's power inside the government still further. Chamberlain prepared to break the Free Trade consensus that had dominated British economics since the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846, in order to push for Imperial Preference as an alternative for the good of what he perceived as Britain's imperial destiny and the welfare of the working class.
In April 1902, Chamberlain dined with the 'Hughligans', a small Parliamentary society which included Lord Hugh Cecil and Churchill among its membership. Chamberlain was eager to use this as a starting point for the reordering of Britain's trade, and he was encouraged by a report submitted in June by the President of the Board of Trade, Gerald Balfour, the Prime Minister's younger brother, which suggested that reciprocal agreements with the colonies might be beneficial. In July, the Colonial Conference was convened in London, and whilst it rejected Chamberlain's suggestion that an Imperial Council should be established, it passed a resolution endorsing Imperial Preference. Chamberlain was increasingly confident that his proposals were gathering pace, and he brought the matter before the Cabinet in advance of embarking on his tour of South Africa in December 1902. Although Ritchie made his opinions known, the Cabinet was generally favourable towards Chamberlain's proposal when it was raised on 21 October. In November, the Cabinet agreed, at Chamberlain's prompting, to remit the corn tax in favour of the self governing colonies in the upcoming budget. Having thought that he had gained the agreement of the Cabinet, Chamberlain went to South Africa, whilst Ritchie worked to reverse the Cabinet's earlier decision. In March 1903, before Chamberlain's return, Ritchie asked Balfour to schedule a meeting in order to put the budget before the Cabinet.
Chamberlain was shocked to find on 17 March that the majority of the Cabinet was in agreement with Ritchie, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had reversed the decision reached last November. Chamberlain accepted that there was not enough time to debate the matter in Cabinet before the budget, and allowed Ritchie to have his way. Consequently, the Chancellor presented a Free Trade orientated budget to the House of Commons on 23 April, during which Chamberlain was completely silent. Whilst Chamberlain had been taken aback by the Cabinet's u-turn, the Colonial Secretary prepared to surprise his colleagues in return. Chamberlain proceeded to lament the demise of the corn tax to his audience and insisted that the greatness of the empire could be preserved by introducing a system of Imperial Preference, a matter he hoped would dominate the next general election. Furthermore, on 28 May, Chamberlain reiterated his challenge to Free Trade orthodoxy in the House of Commons, amidst cheering from many Unionists. Balfour, caught between Free Traders supportive of Ritchie and Tariff Reformers supportive of Chamberlain, hoped to calm the situation by devoting the summer to the question. Balfour hoped that Chamberlain would moderate his espousal of tariff reform in order to satisfy the majority of the Cabinet, and particularly the other prominent Liberal Unionist, Devonshire. On 9 September, Chamberlain dramatically sent a letter of resignation to Balfour, explaining his wish to campaign publicly for Imperial Preference outside the Cabinet. An hour before the Cabinet meeting on 14 September, Chamberlain and Balfour reached an agreement, in which Chamberlain would resign and rally public support for Imperial Preference if the Cabinet could not be persuaded to adopt the new policy. When the Cabinet meeting began, having failed to persuade the Cabinet to back his proposals, Chamberlain announced his resignation, but Balfour did not mention his letter to the Cabinet, impressing on many members the belief that Chamberlain was not serious about resigning. The next day, Lord George Hamilton resigned, and on 16 September, Balfour not only announced the resignations of Ritchie and Hamilton, but of Chamberlain too. Whilst the Free Trade ministers were appalled that Chamberlain's letter of resignation had been kept secret, the Duke of Devonshire, having also resigned, rescinded his decision upon the revelation of Chamberlain's departure.
Tariff reform: Chamberlain's last crusade
Chamberlain asserted his authority over the Liberal Unionists in the wake of Devonshire's departure. With firm support from provincial Unionism and most of the press, Chamberlain hurled himself into the crusade for tariff reform with unbridled enthusiasm, addressing vast crowds and extolling the virtues of Empire and Imperial Preference, campaigning with the slogan 'Tariff Reform Means Work for All'. The newly formed Tariff Reform League received vast funding, allowing it to wage an advanced democratic campaign involving the printing and distribution of large numbers of leaflets and even the playing of Chamberlain's recorded messages to public meetings via gramophone. The most prominent aspect of the campaign was Chamberlain himself, who made addresses at Greenock, Newcastle, Liverpool and Leeds within a month of the outset. Chamberlain explained at Greenock how Free Trade threatened British industry, declaring that "sugar is gone; At Liverpool on 27 October, Chamberlain was escorted to the Conservative Working Men's Association by mounted police amidst wild cheering. Aiming to enlist the support of the working class, Chamberlain assured his audience that tariff reform ensured low unemployment. Balfour was unwilling to move beyond the cautious protectionism that he had endorsed shortly after Chamberlain's resignation, and had no inclination to announce an early general election, for by-election results were comprehensively unfavourable for the Unionists. Whilst Chamberlain toured the country, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, Herbert Asquith stalked him by preaching the virtues of Free Trade in the same venues that Chamberlain had appeared a few evenings before. To Balfour's benefit, the campaign for tariff reform underwent a brief intermission as Chamberlain's health began to fail. By now, Chamberlain had accepted that the Unionists were likely to lose the general election, and criticised Balfour for delaying. Indeed, Chamberlain now hoped that Balfour would fail in promoting his guarded fiscal doctrine, probably with a view of eventually leading the Unionists in opposition to the Liberals on a purely protectionist platform after the expected defeat in the general election – to his son Neville, Chamberlain wrote that 'The Free Traders are common enemies. let them disappear.' Chamberlain's attempt in this respect amounted to vigorous local action, and by the end of 1904, the Tariff Reform League's numerous branches were challenging the Conservative National Union. Chamberlain also attempted to secure the Tariff Reform League's representation inside Conservative Central Office. Balfour adhered firmly to his programme of retaliatory tariffs and attempted to minimise the obvious differences between Chamberlain and himself. Publicly, Chamberlain claimed that Balfour's stance was the precursor to a fuller policy of Imperial Preference. Meanwhile, Chamberlain continued to campaign for tariff reform with a zeal and energy that was commendable for a man of nearly seventy. Chamberlain ignored this and intensified his campaign in November 1905, leading directly to Balfour's resignation on 4 December. Whilst Balfour lost his seat in East Manchester, Chamberlain and his followers increased their majorities in the West Midlands. With approximately 102 of the remaining Unionist M.P.'s supportive of Chamberlain, it appeared that he was a favourite to take over the leadership of the Unionists, or at least win a major concession in favour of tariff reform. Chamberlain called for a Party meeting, and under immense pressure, the newly seated Balfour agreed on 14 February 1906 in the 'Valentine letters' to concede that
' Fiscal Reform is, and must remain, the constructive work of the Unionist Party. That the objects of such reforms are to secure more equal terms of competition for British trade, and closer commercial union within the Colonies. '
Although in opposition, it appeared that Chamberlain had successfully pinned the Unionists to the cause of tariff reform, and that Balfour would be compelled to accede to Chamberlain's future demands.
Decline
On 8 July 1906, Chamberlain celebrated his seventieth birthday and Birmingham was enlivened for a number of days by official luncheons, public addresses, parades, bands and an influx of thousands of congratulatory telegrams. Tens of thousands of people crowded into the city whilst Chamberlain made a passionate speech on 10 July, promoting the virtues of Radicalism and imperialism.
After a month, Chamberlain was able to walk a small number of steps and resolved to overcome his disabilities. He lost the ability to write with his right hand, and his speech altered noticeably, with Chamberlain's colleague, William Hewins noting that 'His voice has lost all its old ring…He speaks very slowly and articulates with evident difficulty.' Chamberlain regained his ability to walk, but did so with his right foot dragging behind, and only with the aid of a stick and the support of an arm. Chamberlain's family, particularly Mary, gave him support on a constant basis, and Austen in particular kept in close contact, with Chamberlain informing his son, now leading the tariff reform movement, of his opinions on contemporary affairs.
Chamberlain made his first visit to the House of Commons since his stroke on 16 February 1910, to be sworn in after the recent general election. When Chamberlain arrived, leaning on a stick and Austen's arm, the House was almost empty, and onlookers were shocked to see the decline in Chamberlain's condition as he slowly recited the oath.
Whilst he had lost all hope of recovering and returning to active politics, Chamberlain maintained a keen interest in the subject, following Austen's career with interest and encouraging the tariff reform movement. In January 1914, Chamberlain decided to not seek re-election for Birmingham West at the next election, whilst the aged Jesse Collings, Chamberlain's lieutenant for such a lengthy period, also made public his desire to stand down.
Telegrams of condolence arrived from across the world, with the Prime Minister Herbert Asquith, Chamberlain's adversary a decade before, leading the tributes in the House of Commons, declaring that
"in that striking personality, vivid, masterful, resolute, tenacious, there were no blurred or nebulous outlines, there were no relaxed fibres, there were no moods of doubt and hesitation, there were no pauses of lethargy or fear."
The offer of an official burial at Westminster Abbey was refused, and a Unitarian funeral ceremony was planned in Birmingham. On 5 July, Chamberlain's body was taken to Paddington Station and sent to Birmingham by train. This has been the conventional view of Chamberlain's politics - that he moved rightwards across the political spectrum from the left of the Liberal party to the right of the Conservatives.
Chamberlain is also notable as the only individual to have split both major political parties during one generation. Less than twenty years later, Chamberlain's campaign for tariff reform allowed the Liberals to unite over the issue of Free Trade.
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