A theory widely accepted in social anthropology and sociology in the mid-20th-c, according to which particular social institutions, customs, and beliefs all have a part to play in maintaining a social system. The central notion is that a community or society has an enduring structure, its parts fitting together to form a single integrated system. In Britain the leading functionalists were Bronislaw Malinowski and A R Radcliffe-Brown (18811955); in the USA, Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton. It is now generally thought that functionalism offers too static a view of social organization, and understates the conflicts which are likely to be present in the life of any community. The strength of functionalist theory was that it directed attention to the interrelationships between the institutions in a community.
The article is about functionalism in sociology;
In the social sciences, specifically sociology and sociocultural anthropology, functionalism (also called functional analysis) is a sociological perspective that originally attempted to explain social institutions as collective means to fill individual biological needs. Later, it came to focus on the ways in which social institutions fill social needs, especially social stability. Firstly, society is viewed as a system – a collection of interdependent parts, with a tendency toward equilibrium. Secondly, there are functional requirements that must be met in a society for its survival (such as reproduction of the population). Functionalism is a major sociological tradition, alongside other schools of thought, such as conflict theory, interactionism, or exchange theory.
Early functionalism
Many functionalists argue that social institutions are functionally integrated to form a stable system and that a change in one institution will precipitate a change in other institutions; after that time conflict theory challenged the current society, which functionalist defended.
Prominent Theorists
Herbert Spencer
Herbert Spencer, a British sociologist and social philosopher, was in many ways the first true sociological functionalist (Turner, 1985). In fact, while Durkheim is widely considered the most important functionalist of the classical theorists, it is well-known that much of his analysis was culled from reading Spencer's work, especially his Principles of Sociology (1874-96). While many avoid the tedious task of reading Spencer's massive volumes -- filled with long passages explicating the organismic analogy with reference to cells, simple organisms, animals, humans, and society -- there are some important insights that have implicitly influenced many contemporary theorists, including Parsons who once asked "Who now reads Spencer?"
The core of his theory is an evolutionary model that, unlike most nineteenth century evolutionary theorists, was cyclical. Beginning with the differentiation and increasing complexification of an organic or super-organic (Spencer's term for a social system) body, followed by a fluctuating state of equilibrium and disequilibrium (or a state of adjustment and adaptation), and finally, a stage of disintegration or dissolution. Thus, following Thomas Malthus' population principles, Spencer concluded that society was constantly facing selection pressures -- internal and external exigencies -- that forced a society to adapt by increasing the internal structure through differentiation. However, every solution to a problem caused a new set of selection pressures that threatened the society's viability. It should be noted that Spencer was not a determinist in the sense that he never said that a) selection pressures will be felt in time to change them, b) that they will be felt and reacted to, and c) the solutions will always work. In fact, he was a political sociologist in many ways (see Turner 1985), and recognized that the degree of centralized and consolidated authority in a given polity could make or break a society's ability to adapt.
More specifically, Spencer recognied three functional needs or requisites that produced selection pressures: regulatory, operative (production), and distributive. He argued that all societies needed to solve problems of control and coordination, production of goods, services, and ideas, and finally, find ways to distribute these resources. Initially, in tribal societies, all three of these needs are inseparable, and the kinship system is the dominant structure satisfying them. However, with increasing population -- both in terms of sheer numbers and density -- problems emerged in regards to feeding individuals, creating new forms of organization (i.e., the emergent division of labor), coordinating and controlling various differentiated social units, and developing systems of resource distribution.
Perhaps Spencer's biggest obstacle to being discussed in modern sociology is the fact that much of his social philosophy was rooted in the social and historical context of Victorian England. Thus, he coined the term "survival of the fittest" in discussing the simple fact that small tribes or societies tend to be defeated or conquered by larger societies.
Talcott Parsons
Talcott Parsons was heavily influenced by Durkheim and Max Weber, synthesising much of their work into his theory. Parsons’ wanted to develop a grand theory of society, but he began by examining the individual and their actions. Parsons determined that each individual has expectations of the other’s action and reaction to their own behaviour, and that these expectations are derived from the accepted norms and values of the society which they inhabit [Parsons, 1961:41]. Certainly today, when asked to describe themselves most people would answer with reference to their roles in society.
Parsons then developed the idea of roles into collectivities of roles that complemented each other in fulfilling functions for society [Parsons, 1961:41]. Some of the roles are bound up in institutions and social structures, such as economic, educational, legal, and even gender structures. These structures are functional in the sense they assist society to operate [Gingrich, 1999], and fulfill its functional needs so that the society runs smoothly. A society where there is no conflict, where everyone knows what is expected of them, and where these expectations are constantly being met, is in a perfect state of equilibrium. Socialisation is important because it is the mechanism for transferring the accepted norms and values of a society to the individuals within the system. If these two processes were perfect then society would become static and unchanging, and in reality this is unlikely to occur for long.
Parsons recognises this, stating that he treats “the structure of the system as problematic and subject to change” [1961:37] and that his concept of the tendency towards equilibrium “does not imply the empirical dominance of stability over change” [1961:39]. Where the adaptation process cannot adjust, due to sharp shocks or immediate radical change, structural dissolution occurs and either new structures (and therefore a new system) are formed, or the society dies. This model of social change has been described as a “moving equilibrium” [Gingrich, 1991], and does emphasise a desire for social order.
Robert Merton
Robert Merton was a functionalist and he fundamentally agreed with Parsons’ theory, however he acknowledged that it was problematic, believing that it was too generalised [Holmwood, 2005:100]. Merton tended to emphasise middle-range theory rather than a grand theory, meaning that he was able to deal specifically with some of the limitations in Parsons’ theory.
Merton criticised functional unity, saying that not all parts of a modern, complex society work for the functional unity of society. This is because not all structures are functional for society as a whole. Merton states that by recognising and examining the dysfunctional aspects of society we can explain the development and persistence of alternatives.
Merton also noted that there may be functional alternatives to the institutions and structures currently fulfilling the functions of society. This means that the institutions that currently exist are not indispensable to society.
Merton’s theory of deviance is derived from Durkheim’s idea of anomie. Ritualism occurs when an individual continues to do things as proscribed by society but forfeits the achievement of the goals. Retreatism is the rejection of both the means and the goals of society.
Thus it can be seen that change can occur internally in society through either innovation or rebellion. It is true that society will attempt to control these individuals and negate the changes, but as the innovation or rebellion builds momentum, society will eventually adapt or face dissolution.
Criticisms
In the 1960s, functionalism was criticized for being unable to account for social change, or for structural contradictions and conflict (and thus was often called "consensus theory"). The refutation of the second criticism of functionalism, that it is static and has no concept of change, has already been articulated above, concluding that while Parsons’ theory allows for change, it is an orderly process of change [Parsons, 1961:38], a moving equilibrium. Therefore referring to Parsons’ theory of society as static is inaccurate. Society was in upheaval and fear abounded. At the time social order was crucial, and this is reflected in Parsons' tendency to promote equilibrium and social order rather than social change.
Furthermore, Durkheim used a radical form of guild socialism along with functionalist explanations. Also, Marxism, while acknowledging social contradictions, still uses functionalist explanations. (Merton 1957: 39)
Stronger criticisms include the epistemological argument that functionalism is teleological, that is it attempts to describe social institutions solely through their effects and thereby does not explain the cause of those effects. Certainly Durkheim was one of the first theorists to explain a phenomena with reference to the function it served for society. However Durkheim made a clear distinction between historical and functional analysis, saying, “when…the explanation of a social phenomenon is undertaken, we must seek separately the efficient cause which produces it and the function it fulfills” [cited in Coser, 1977:140]. However Merton does explicitly state that functional analysis does not seek to explain why the action happened in the first instance, but why it continues or is reproduced. Therefore it can be argued that functionalism does not explain the original cause of a phenomena with reference to its effect, and is therefore, not teleological.
Another criticism describes the ontological argument that society can not have "needs" as a human being does, and even if society does have needs they need not be met. Anthony Giddens argues that functionalist explanations may all be rewritten as historical accounts of individual human actions and consequences (see Structuration theory).
A further criticism directed at functionalism is that it contains no sense of agency, that individuals are seen as puppets, acting as their role requires. Yet Holmwood states that the most sophisticated forms of functionalism are based on “a highly developed concept of action” [2005:107], and as was explained above, Parsons took as his starting point the individual and their actions. His theory did not however articulate how these actors exercise their agency in opposition to the socialisation and inculcation of accepted norms. It cannot, however, explain why individuals choose to accept or reject the accepted norms, why and in what circumstances they choose to exercise their agency, and this does remain a considerable limitation of the theory.
Further criticisms have been levelled at functionalism by proponents of other social theories, particularly conflict theorists, marxists, feminists and postmodernists. Lockwood [in Holmwood, 2005:101], in line with conflict theory, suggested that Parsons’ theory missed the concept of system contradiction. In this however he was limited by his analysis of an ‘ideal type’ of society which was characterised by consensus. Merton, through his critique of functional unity, introduced into functionalism an explicit analysis of tension and conflict.
Marxism which was revived soon after the emergence of conflict theory, criticised professional sociology (functionalism and conflict theory alike) for being partisan to advanced welfare capitalism [Holmwood, 2005:103]. Gouldner [in Holmwood, 2005:103] thought that Parsons’ theory specifically was an expression of the dominant interests of welfare capitalism, that it justified institutions with reference to the function they fulfill for society. It may be that Parsons’ work implied or articulated that certain institutions were necessary to fulfill the functional prerequisites of society, but whether or not this is the case, Merton explicitly states that institutions are not indispensable and that there are functional alternatives. On the other hand, Parsons recognised that he had oversimplified his functional analysis of women in relation to work and the family, and focused on the positive functions of the family for society and not on its dysfunctions for women. Merton, too, although addressing situations where function and dysfunction occurred simultaneously, lacked a “feminist sensibility” [Holmwood, 2005:103], although I repeat this was likely a product of the desire for social order.
Postmodernism, as a theory, is critical of claims of truth. Therefore the idea of grand theory that can explain society in all its forms is treated with skepticism at the least. This critique is important because it exposes the danger that grand theory can pose, when not seen as a limited perspective, as one way of understanding society.
Jeffrey Alexander (1985) sees functionalism as a broad school rather than a specific method or system, such as Parson's, which is capable of taking equilibrium (stability) as a reference-point rather than assumption and treats structural differentiation as a major form of social change. Cohen argues that rather than needs a society has dispositional facts: features of the social environment that support the existence of particular social institutions but do not cause them. (ibid)
Other theories
Structural functionalism, a theoretical concept developed by other anthropologists like Claude Lévi-Strauss and Edmund Leach, takes the view that society consists of parts (e.g.
A social function is "the contribution made by any phenomenon to a larger system of which the phenomenon is a part." Merton, is made between manifest and latent functions (Marshall 1994: 190-1) and also between functions with positive (functional or positively functional) and negative (dysfunctional) effects (Hoult 1969: 139). "Any statement explaining an institution as being 'functional or 'dysfunctional' for men [sic] could readily be translated with no loss of meaning into one that said it was 'rewarding' or 'punishing.'" (Homans 1962:33-4)
Functional alternative (also functional equivalent or functional substitute) indicates that, "just as the same item may have multiple functions, so may the same function be diversely fulfilled by alternative items." (Merton 1957: 33-4) The concept may serve as an antidote to "the gratuitous assumption of the functional indispensability of particular social structures." (ibid: 52)
Evolutionary Theory: A Response to Functionalist Challenges
Evolutionary Theory has been as much a part of sociology since the early theorists as any other element like the Division of Labor. Its demise by the early twentieth century, coupled with the shift of the center of the sociological universe from Europe to America, changed sociology's focus from the society as a system or macrosociology to that of the individual, their self, and the interactions that they engaged in (Mead 1936).
More recently, evolutionary theory has re-emerged and has attempted to answer the criticisms of functionalism without returning to the Spencerian or Parsonsian theoretical models. In other words, all societies face similar internal and external exigencies that require solutions, or carry with them potentially disintegrative consequeunces (Turner 1995). First, cultural differences across societies is a reflection of human innovation and the ability to address similar problems with different answers. Second, there is no guarantee that a society will feel or react to a selection pressure (see Easter Island as an example), even if it does indeed exist. For instance, power may be so centralized that a society's ability to react is retarded; or, a society may not have the technology or organizational solutions available because of geographic constraints or other ecological factors.
One last contribution is worth mentioning: evolutionary theorists are attempting to integrate the recent biological, neuropsychological, and genetic scientific discoveries to strengthen sociological theory and methods, while making it more relevant in a changing scientific environment. Thus, a theory of action or structure must understand the potential genetic, cognitive, or biological limitations that exist in order to begin to explain social elements of behavior and attitudes. For example, understanding the neuroanatomy of the brain and emotion centers therein, as well as why they evolved the way they did, inform us a great deal about early societies and the context in which people interact today (Turner and Stets 2005).
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